Meier, M., Das andere Zeitalter Justinians. The first issue of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies was published only four years after Peter Brown’s The World of Late Antiquity,1 and before the ‘explosion’ of late antiquity.2 This was also the start of another explosion: the emergence of late antique archaeology as a discipline, leading to its vast expansion and the enormous and ever-growing amount of material available today. It was a difficult time for Byzantium, faced with defeat, major military threats and economic loss. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kaldellis, The Byzantine Republic. Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Antiquity, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680–850. 36 Fowden, G., Before and After Muhammad. Yet after all, most historians have to make difficult choices, especially if they are writing about periods of rapid change. Advanced options. (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor (Oxford 2016)Google Scholar, containing in particular an important new chronology of the many works of Maximus and of his own movements, drawing on the Syriac Life, by M. Jankowiack and P. Booth, ‘A new date-list of the works of Maximus the Confessor’, The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor, 19–83; Booth, P., Crisis of Empire. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings. 30 Indicative of this development is the fact that the work of such a leading Roman historian as Fergus Millar has focused for the last ten years on the themes of identity and community in the Near East in the period from the fifth to the seventh centuries, and especially the interplay of Greek and Syriac: his many essays on the subject are now collected in Millar, F., Empire, Church and Society in the Late Roman Near East: Greeks, Jews, Syrians and Saracens, Late Antique History and Religion 10 (Leuven 2015)Google Scholar, and see Millar, , A Greek Roman Empire: Power and Belief under Theodosius II (408–450) (Berkeley 2006)Google Scholar. 26 Against: Cameron, Averil, Byzantine Matters (Princeton 2014) chap. It is explicitly shared for example in the ‘Global late antiquities’ project recently launched by early Islamicists at Boston University, which calls for a ‘holistic approach to late antiquity’ that can include ‘both Europe and Islam as the heirs of the biblical legacy of ancient Israel and the classical legacy of Greece and Rome’.Footnote 37 The project statement speaks of the history of Europe and the need for a ‘more integrated and nuanced perspective on “Western civilization” and its origins in the shared heritage and conjoined development of the cultures of Late Antiquity’. The first issue of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies was published only four years after Peter Brown’s The World of Late Antiquity,Footnote 1 and before the ‘explosion’ of late antiquity.Footnote 2 This was also the start of another explosion: the emergence of late antique archaeology as a discipline, leading to its vast expansion and the enormous and ever-growing amount of material available today. They should not lead to the exclusion of Byzantium, whether from narratives of transition focused on the eastern Mediterranean and pointing towards Islam, or from narratives of a transition from classical antiquity to western Europe, pointing inexorably to the Enlightenment. A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey, 2 vols. Vessey, M., in Burrus, V., Haines-Eitzen, K., Lim, R., Vessey, M. and Clark, E. A., review-discussion of E. A. Clark, History, Theory, Text. A late-twentieth century model? More significant are the suspicion felt towards Byzantium among some late antique scholarsFootnote 45 and the frequent assertion that Constantinople was cut off from the eastern provinces by the Arab conquests or that the latter immediately became isolated from Byzantium. 15 Especially in Kaldellis, A., Hellenism in Byzantium. It was, after all, the century of the Persian occupation of the Near East, the end of the Sasanian empire, the rise of Islam and the establishment of the Umayyad state. Brown's later book, The Rise of Western Christendom, extended its coverage to AD 1000 and also ranged widely, but its title indicated a different focus.Footnote 35 In contrast, Garth Fowden, who also adopts the year 1000 as a turning point, sees it as the end of late antiquity and firmly concentrates on the east, so much so indeed that he includes Islam under the Umayyads and the Abbasids but effectively leaves out Byzantium and Constantinople after about 600.Footnote 36 Such a focus fits well with the wider and essentially apologetic enterprise of presenting Islam in a positive light. Historians will always want to ask what useful evidence can be obtained from ancient and Byzantine writers, but they must now do so from a position that recognizes the complexity and the literary subtlety of their compositions.Footnote 17 Nowhere is this more necessary than in the case of Procopius, whose works still dominate our understanding of the sixth century, and here too one can see the tectonic plates moving. Most of them are already used to negotiating these various problems, and in many cases, too, the same scholar can, and indeed has to, play to both late antique and Byzantine constituencies. Now, in contrast, such a choice invites criticism for failing to include the great events of the early seventh century, including the emergence of Islam. "shouldUseHypothesis": true, "openAccess": "0", "comments": true, Of course patristic scholars and theologians have always continued to write on these subjects, but we can now see also a much greater willingness among some late antique and Byzantine historians to address what used to be considered highly specialist questions rather than ones that fall within the purview of general history. An enormous literature continues on the periodization of late antiquity, but much of it is motivated more by the question of when the ancient world ended, or the Roman empire fell, than by any concern for the continuity or otherwise of Byzantium.Footnote 4 Given these developments it is not surprising that several Byzantinists currently argue that Byzantium ‘began’ only in the seventh century or thereabouts. 17 On which see Macrides, R., ed., History as Literature in Byzantium, Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies Publications 15 (Farnham 2010)Google Scholar; Wolf Liebeschuetz argues for a qualitative decline in sixth-century literature, which he ascribes not least to the influence of Christianity: Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G., The Decline and Fall of the Roman City (Oxford 2001)Google Scholar. The concept of classicising history necessarily involves the question of genre, which I emphasized when writing of Procopius several decades ago, but this too is now subject to revisionism.Footnote 21 Anthony Kaldellis’ much-cited Procopius of Caesarea Footnote 22 also calls for a literary approach, though his is based on the old question of what the author ‘really’ believed. Riedinger, Rudolf, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 2.1 (Berlin 1984)Google Scholar; Price, R., with Booth, P. and Cubitt, C., trans. 12 Honoré, T., Tribonian (London 1978)Google Scholar. The contrary impulse can also be found in some recent publications on late antiquity which lay stress on violence. Please come by if you’re free this afternoon—we look forward to seeing you there! Gold, Labour and Aristocratic Dominance, Economy and Society in the Age of Justinian, Social Conflict in the Age of Justinian. Support is provided by the Department of Classics and the Department of the History of Art. The Low Countries have a strong tradition and reputation in the field of Late Antiquity, but the expertise available has never been gathered. 649 celebratum, ed. View our complete catalog of authoritative Late Antiquity & Byzantium related book titles and textbooks published by Routledge and CRC Press. Kontingenzerfahrung und Kontingenzbewältigung im 6. Whether there was a specifically ‘late antique aesthetic’ is also a current question.Footnote 23 Even if not — and behind such an assumption lurks the assumption of a contrasting ‘Byzantine aesthetic’ — a methodological approach to the writers of the sixth century based primarily on classical imitation and historical reliability will no longer serve, any more than an approach to the sixth century or other periods based only on what some call ‘traditional text-based history’. 35 Brown, P., The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, AD 200–1000 (Oxford 1996, 2nd ed. The cake can be cut in different ways. 13 Arnold, J. J., Theoderic and The Imperial Roman Restoration (Cambridge 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. To accept cookies from this site, please click the Allow Cookies button below. Studi Storici 45.1 (2004) 5–46Google Scholar. The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition (Cambridge 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and see Kaldellis, , Ethnography after Antiquity. A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey, The Inheritance of Rome. 18 For which see Nilsson, I., ‘To narrate the events of the past. Papers in Honour of Roger Scott (Melbourne 2006) 47–58Google Scholar. "languageSwitch": true, Carrying such an approach to its limits, Kaldellis dismisses the Buildings altogether as being insincere, based on the dubious premise that what modern critics should be looking for is ‘sincerity’. 1975 seems light years away. Part of the answer may be in the decline of narrative and political history that has prevailed in the last few decades, with its more synchronic as well as more cultural approach.Footnote 9 Nor has administrative history been much in vogue among English-speaking scholars,Footnote 10 though it should be noted that this has not been the case in Italy and elsewhere. 32 The general case is set out very clearly by Hoyland, R. G., ‘Islam as a late antique religion’, in The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, ed. 10 Though see Kelly, C., Ruling the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass. n. Chr. Jh. Scepticism: Sarris, P., Santo, M. Dal and Booth, P., eds., An Age of Saints? In her book,… "shouldUseShareProductTool": true, Feature Flags last update: Fri Jan 15 2021 13:51:39 GMT+0000 (Coordinated Universal Time) The Fall of Rome to the Rise of Islam, 500–700, The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, AD 200–1000, Before and After Muhammad. The Roman Empire from the rise of Christianity in the fourth century to its fall in the west in the fifth, and the Eastern/Byzantine Empire through to its fall in the fifteenth century. Among medieval Christian societies, Byzantium is unique in preserving an ecclesiastical ritual of adelphopoiesis, which pronounces two men as brothers. It would be tedious to repeat all the arguments that have filled academic journals in recent years about the periodisation of late antiquity. with introduction, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, 3 vols., Translated Texts for Historians 45 (Liverpool 2005); Constantinople II (553): R. Price, trans. Surveys and Excavations in the Pavllas River Valley, Albania, 1928-2015, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The Sixth Day. Clark, E. A., ‘From patristics to early Christian studies,’ in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, (ed.) ), Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices (Aldershot 2006)Google Scholar; Hahn, J., Gewalt und religiöser Konflikt : Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Christen, Heiden und Juden im Osten des Römischen Reiches (von Konstantin bis Theodosius II.) ), Byzantine Culture, Papers from the Conference, Byzantine Days of Istanbul, May 21–23, 2010 (Ankara 2014) 45–57; see also Nilsson, I. and Scott, R., ‘Towards a new history of Byzantine literature: the case of historiography’, Classica et Mediaevalia 58 (2007) 319–32Google Scholar. Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Antiquity(Berkeley 2014)Google Scholar (a book by a historian which takes full account of the theological issues of the period); redating of the Monothelite controversy: see Jankowiack, M., ‘The invention of Dyothelitism’, Studia Patristica 63 (2013) 335–42Google Scholar. The First Millennium Refocused (Princeton 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity, Debating the Saints’ Cult in the Age of Gregory the Great, The Ashgate Research Companion to Byzantine Hagiography, Battling the Gods: Atheism in the Ancient World, There is No Crime for Those who Have Christ, Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices, Gewalt und religiöser Konflikt : Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Christen, Heiden und Juden im Osten des Römischen Reiches (von Konstantin bis Theodosius II. Full text views reflects PDF downloads, PDFs sent to Google Drive, Dropbox and Kindle and HTML full text views. (Oxford 1964)Google Scholar. I have pointed here to one of these narratives, which in my view threatens to sideline Byzantium. 23 See Formisano, M., ‘Towards an aesthetic paradigm of late antiquity’, Antiquité Tardive 15 (2007) 277–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with Formisano, , ‘Late antiquity: new departures’, in The Oxford Handbook of Medieval Literature, ed. For a different take on Islam as late antique see al-Azmeh, A., The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity: Allah and his People (Cambridge 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ad 200–1000 ( Oxford 2013 ) CrossRefGoogle Scholar requires cookies to provide all of its features not Die you other., Social Conflict in the Age of Saints does not appear in the Iconoclast Era c.... Handbook of Early Christian studies, the World of Late Antiquity Merci, Gli Insediamenti ( Rome Bari..., D. ( Oxford 1996, 2nd ed hexter, R. J. and Townsend, (. Of anti-heretical and anti-Jewish themes your cookie settings 47–58Google Scholar tradition, after. 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